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Controversial in nature, this book demonstrates that the United States did not need to use the atomic bomb against Japan. Alperovitz criticizes one of the most hotly debated precursory events to the Cold War, an event that was largely responsible for the evolution of post-World War II American politics and culture.
- Sales Rank: #452057 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Vintage
- Published on: 1996-08-06
- Released on: 1996-08-06
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.00" h x 1.80" w x 5.20" l, 2.00 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 864 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
From Publishers Weekly
Historian Alperovitz argues that America's use of the atomic bomb on Japan was motivated by politics rather than by military necessity.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Library Journal
The president of the National Center for Economic Alternatives argues that against all advice President Truman was persuaded to drop the atomic bomb on Hiroshima by incoming Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, who saw the bomb as an important tool for dealing with the Soviets after the war.
Copyright 1995 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Booklist
Alperovitz is the dean of revisionist scholars who argue that the nuclear bombing of Japan was unnecessary and that America bears a hefty responsibility for the cold war. Since he established his reputation in the mid-1960s, secret documents regarding the run-up to Enola Gay's takeoff have come to light, which Alperovitz believes strengthen his case. His main and probably most controversial contention is that certain documents pertaining to the decision were doctored, some by none other than Truman himself. Further, Alperovitz sees James Byrnes, Truman's Mephistophelian secretary of state, as a furtive player who nixed such alternative plans as modifying the unconditional-surrender demand and encouraging a Russian declaration of war. What about the military leaders, many of whom expressed regrets about the wisdom of the decision, albeit post facto? Alperovitz presents documents that suggest their invasion plans were notional exercises, not realistic probabilities. But his point about their regrets opens the way to his major thesis: deceit by ex-officials, over the decades, has convinced the public that the bombings were justified. Formidably researched, this challenging landmark history may not automatically convert Alperovitz's revisionist views into the new orthodoxy, but they will be referred to for proof or refutation for years to come. Gilbert Taylor
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
An excellent revisionist perspective
By Cameron Reilly
This is incredibly important book reveals some of the behind-the-scenes thought processes that lead to Truman's decisions to use nuclear weapons on Japan. It's replete with supporting evidence, including quotes from the key players in the US, UK, USSR and Japan (taken from their diaries, memoirs, official records, diplomatic communications, intercepted comms, etc), and tries hard to be balanced and cautious with leaping to conclusions. The final assessment is that the opinion of nearly every single senior military and political leader in the US and UK before August 1945 was that Japan was utterly defeated and willing to surrender - especially once the USSR entered the war with them. Why drop the bombs if it wasn't necessary to end the war? It seems to have a lot to do with using the last opportunity to use them in war time (billions had been spent on developing them), and in sending a warning signal to Stalin.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A real history book!
By Acarroll
This is a book that can make Americans understand why we should not have dropped the atomic bombs on Japan!
22 of 41 people found the following review helpful.
Second-Guessing History
By A Customer
Second-guessing history is always a dicey business, full of "what-ifs" and wild speculation. However, as Alperovitz makes clear, there were several viable options to ending the Pacific War that were both more humane and likely to succeed.
1. Demonstrate the Atom Bomb on an uninhabited atoll, as recommended in the Franck Report by a committee of scientists working on the Project
2. Make a small concession to Japanese pride/saving face and allow the Emperor to retain his throne in a total, but conditional, surrender (which they had already proposed)
3. Allow a few extra days for Japan to react to the entry of the Soviets into the war. It is now known that overtures to a settlement had been relayed to the British Foreign Minister.
Any one of these options would be more likely to succeed than a full-fledged armed invasion of the home islands, which had been proposed as a military disinformation but wasn't being seriously considered. As such, it backfired horribly by strengthening Japanese resolve.
Instead, the hawks and, for lack of a better term, "military-minded" advisors to new president Truman recommended a full use of the weapon. As a result, the United States is still the only nation on earth to have used Atomic weapons in war -- twice -- and against unarmed civilians. Not a very proud legacy.
Their reasoning, with the hindsight of fifty years, now seems sadly small-minded:
1. To justify the expenditure of $2 billion on a weapon originally designed in competition with the now-defeated Germany
2. To intimidate the Soviets into accepting American hegemony.
Experience bore out the Franck Report's prediction that the second goal was unattainable, and its further prediction that a ruinous nuclear arms race would result. The recommendations and predictions of some of the world's smartest people were thrown out by military advisors (specifically James Byrnes, who refused to even share the report with Truman), considering himself better equipped to understand human nature and thus shape history for all of mankind.
Whether "revisionist" or second-guessing, Alperovitz makes a compelling case for better options dismissed, and the tragic legacy of military hubris.
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